Month: March 2026

A bombshell report from the Civil Liberties Union for Europe has unintentionally exposed what many right-wing populist, conservative, and anti-globalist voices have long warned: Romania’s democratic system is being reshaped by unelected institutions enforcing ideological conformity.

The Liberties Rule of Law Report 2026 places Romania under a harsh spotlight, centering its criticism on the annulment of the 2024 presidential election and the exclusion of anti-establishment candidates.

At the heart of the report is a striking conclusion. The Constitutional Court of Romania is accused of having “effectively changed the law,” a move described as abusive and a direct threat to legal certainty.
This is not a minor technical violation. It is, as even the report suggests, a fundamental rupture in the democratic process—one that rewrote the rules of political competition after the fact.

The decision in question erased the results of a national election and barred Călin Georgescu and Diana Șoșoacă from running. Both candidates had built support by openly challenging the authority of the European Union and NATO.

According to the court, such criticism amounted to a rejection of constitutional values. But the report makes clear that no Romanian law requires loyalty to Euro-Atlantic institutions as a condition for candidacy.

In effect, the court introduced a new, unwritten rule: ideological compliance. Criticism of globalist structures became grounds for exclusion from democratic participation. For supporters of Georgescu and more broadly Romanian conservatives, this confirmed what they had long suspected. When a nationalist candidate threatens the system, the system intervenes.

The Liberties report, though framed as a defense of rule of law, reads as an indictment of institutional overreach. By stepping beyond interpretation and into lawmaking, the court fundamentally altered the electoral landscape.

Equally troubling are the procedural details outlined in the report. The excluded candidates were denied basic rights—no legal defense, no representation, and no right of appeal.
This was not due process in any meaningful sense. It was a closed, final decision imposed by a body increasingly viewed as politically aligned.

The report goes even further, suggesting that the court itself may be beyond repair. It raises the possibility of abolishing the Constitutional Court and transferring its powers to the High Court of Cassation and Justice.

Such a proposal is extraordinary. It reflects a recognition that the problem is not isolated, but structural.

Romania is also labeled a “stagnator” in the report, grouped with countries where democratic standards have failed to improve. But for many Romanians, this label understates the reality. The issue is not ‘stagnation,’ as the report contends. What it really is about is control—near total control. Institutions meant to safeguard democracy are increasingly used by liberal-globalist actors to shape political outcomes.

The report also highlights the broader environment in which this occurred. Media freedom remains compromised, with public broadcasters subject to political influence and private outlets dependent on opaque funding streams.

Journalists face harassment and intimidation, while access to public information continues to deteriorate. The landscape described is one of pressure, not openness. Particular attention is given to the role of the National Audiovisual Council, which during the election cycle ordered the removal of online content critical of authorities.

These actions were justified under the banner of combating “disinformation.” Yet the report warns that the absence of clear legal definitions creates a serious risk of censorship. Citizens themselves have reportedly been targeted. Cases of police contacting individuals and pressuring them to delete critical posts suggest a system increasingly willing to police speech.

Plans to establish a new anti-disinformation unit within the presidential administration raise further concerns. Without safeguards, such an initiative risks consolidating power over public discourse. The deeper issue, as the report implicitly reveals, is the narrowing of acceptable opinion. Debate over Romania’s place in the EU or NATO is treated not as legitimate discourse, but as a threat.

For Georgescu’s supporters, who number nearly half of Romania’s 19 million people, this is the clearest evidence yet of a managed political system. Candidates who challenge globalist orthodoxy are excluded, then criminally prosecuted, while entrenched, corrupt institutions enforce ideological boundaries.

The annulment of the election has become a defining symbol of this shift. It represents the collision between national sovereignty and supranational influence. Public reaction, fortunately, has not been silent. Protests and civic mobilization indicate that many Romanians reject the direction in which their country is heading.

Yet the report also notes that this resistance is taking place in an increasingly hostile environment. Journalists, activists, and citizens face growing pressure. At the European level, the findings raise uncomfortable questions. If such actions can occur within an EU member state, what does that say about the bloc’s commitment to democratic principles?

The Liberties report, intended as a diagnostic tool, has instead become evidence in a broader political argument. It highlights the gap between formal democratic structures and their practical operation. For conservative voices, the lesson is unmistakable, namely that sovereignty must certainly not survive if key decisions are shaped by institutions entirely detached from—and increasingly explicitly hostile to—the will of the people.

Romania stands at a critical crossroads. It can continue down a path that increasingly resembles the dark days of communism—marked by draconian institutional control and rigid ideological enforcement—or it can choose to restore genuine democratic competition and national sovereignty.

The events of 2024 cannot and will not be easily forgotten. They have exposed deep fractures within the political system and shaken public trust. More importantly, they have galvanized a movement that refuses to accept that democracy must operate within boundaries set by entrenched and wholly self-serving globalist institutions.

As the debate intensifies, one deceptively simple yet profoundly powerful question looms above all others: Who decides the future of Romania— the Romanian people, or the entrenched system that claims to govern in their name?

thegatewaypundit

The parliamentary elections scheduled in Hungary for April 13th may become one of the most consequential political events in the European Union this year. For the first time in sixteen years, Viktor Orbán faces a serious challenger to his long-standing leadership. Much of the debate across Europe has focused on ideological disputes between Budapest and Brussels. Yet from Warsaw’s perspective, the question is far more practical: what would the outcome of the Hungarian election mean for Poland’s strategic interests inside the European Union? 

The first dimension concerns the future of Central European cooperation. The Visegrád Group collectively represents the fifth-largest economy in Europe. Despite political fluctuations in recent years, the framework has repeatedly proven its value when member states coordinate their positions in negotiations with Brussels. 

When Warsaw and Budapest act in alignment, they are able to amplify the voice of the region in debates over EU funds, energy policy, and regulatory frameworks. A continuation of a predictable political partnership between the two capitals would therefore provide Poland with a stable regional anchor at a time when the balance of power inside the Union is gradually shifting toward greater centralisation. 

The issue of institutional power inside the EU also makes the Hungarian elections relevant for Poland. France and Germany have been actively promoting the expansion of qualified majority voting to areas such as taxation, foreign policy and the EU budget. 

For Poland — the sixth-largest economy in the Union but not part of the Franco-German core — such a shift would significantly reduce the ability of medium-sized member states to protect their interests. The veto mechanism has long functioned as a crucial safeguard against decisions imposed by the largest economies. 

Viktor Orbán has been among the most consistent and politically effective opponents of expanding qualified majority voting in these fields. His presence in the European Council therefore provides an additional barrier against reforms that could weaken the sovereignty of smaller and mid-sized states. 

Migration policy offers another example of continued convergence between Warsaw and Budapest. The current Polish government itself has described the EU’s new Migration and Asylum Pact as unacceptable. 

In November 2025, Poland and Hungary jointly led a group of countries willing to challenge the migrant redistribution mechanism proposed by Brussels. This episode demonstrated that, despite broader political differences, both governments share a similar assessment of one of the most sensitive issues facing the continent. 

Maintaining this alignment strengthens Poland’s position when negotiating policies that directly affect border security and demographic stability. 

Economic policy represents a further area of overlapping interests. During Hungary’s presidency of the Council of the European Union in November 2024, EU leaders adopted the Budapest Declaration on Competitiveness. 

The document emphasised the need to reduce bureaucratic burdens, simplify reporting requirements and lower energy costs in order to strengthen Europe’s economic performance. For Poland — one of the fastest growing economies in the EU—this deregulatory agenda is particularly relevant. 

Rapid economic expansion requires flexibility, regulatory predictability and access to affordable energy. In that sense, many of the priorities articulated by Budapest align closely with Warsaw’s long-term economic interests. 

Energy and climate policy add another layer to this alignment. Poland and Hungary have historically taken similar positions regarding the European Green Deal, insisting that the financial burden of the energy transition should be distributed fairly among member states and should take into account the specific structure of national economies. 

Both countries remain heavily reliant on traditional energy sectors and face the challenge of transforming their energy systems without undermining industrial competitiveness. 

Hungary’s resistance to some of the more ambitious timelines proposed in Brussels has effectively provided Poland with additional time to adapt its own transition strategy in a manner that avoids sudden fiscal pressure on households and industry. 

The geopolitical dimension should not be overlooked either. Relations with the United States remain a cornerstone of Poland’s national security strategy. At the same time, Washington’s approach to Europe is evolving. 

The possibility of a renewed Donald Trump administration has already prompted discussions about strengthening bilateral ties with selected Central European partners. Hungary has signalled openness to such cooperation, and a stable political relationship between Warsaw and Budapest could help ensure that the region remains a meaningful interlocutor in transatlantic dialogue. 

In this sense, coordination between the two capitals may strengthen Poland’s position not only within the EU but also in its broader strategic partnership with the United States. 

None of this means that a continuation of Viktor Orbán’s leadership would eliminate tensions between Budapest and Brussels. On the contrary, ideological disagreements between Hungary and parts of the EU leadership would likely persist. 

Yet from Poland’s perspective, the question is less about ideological alignment and more about strategic predictability. 

A stable Hungarian government under Orbán—whose political consistency has made him one of the most recognisable advocates of national prerogatives inside the EU—contributes to a more balanced institutional environment. 

For Warsaw, this translates into greater negotiating leverage on key issues such as financing the energy transition, protecting domestic industries and shaping regulatory policies that affect the region’s economic future. 

The Hungarian elections therefore carry implications that extend far beyond Hungary’s borders. For Poland, the presence of a predictable partner in Budapest strengthens the possibility of coordinated action in Central Europe at a moment when debates about sovereignty, migration and economic competitiveness are becoming increasingly central to the future of the European project. 

In that sense, the outcome of the April 2026 vote will not only determine Hungary’s domestic political trajectory. It will also influence the strategic landscape in which Poland must pursue its national interests within the European Union. 

europeanconservative

A newly published paper written by two scholars, Alyssa Izatt and Kimberly Brownlee, and published by the University of Chicago Press, argues that girls under 18 should be forced to murder their babies through abortion, including with physical “restraint” or by sedation if necessary.

Izatt and Brownlee’s paper, entitled “Justice for Girls: On the Provision of Abortion as Adequate Care,” published in the April 2026 issue of the University Press’s Ethics: An International Journal of Social, Political, and Legal Philosophy, calls on doctors to abort an underage girl’s unborn child even if they and their family want to carry them. The authors argue that having the abortion is in the girl’s “best interest,” just as it would be in a cancer patient’s best interest to treat the disease, and claiming that doctors should abort the baby even if that requires “sedation or physical restraint” of the mother.

In the paper’s introduction, the authors underscored that parents or guardians of a young pregnant girl should never “pressure or compel” her to “continue a pregnancy.”

“Nor should they confront her with the three ‘options’ of abortion, adoption, or mothering, as medical professionals are currently advised to do. Instead, her adult caregivers should view her impregnation as a malady and take steps to terminate it,” they wrote.

Later in the piece, Izatt and Brownlee strikingly compare a doctor murdering a child through abortion to treating diseases such as cancer and performing procedures like a child’s organ transplant. They contended that just as it is in the child’s best interest to receive cancer treatment or perhaps an organ donation, it is also in their “best interest” to end their baby’s life.

“By drawing an analogy with child organ donation and with serious medical conditions such as cancer, we show that doctors should revise their approach to treating impregnated children so that adequate medical care includes abortion care,” the scholars wrote.

“Just as in organ donations, the only time caregivers could permit a child to continue a pregnancy would be when she was genuinely uncoerced, faced minimal risk, and had her best interests as a child served. Since carrying a pregnancy to term in childhood will fail to meet some or all of these requirements, caregivers have a moral duty to provide impregnated children with abortion care,” they added.

It’s worth noting that despite the authors’ concerns for young girls being “coerced” into carrying their baby, the abortion lobby has long turned a blind eye to abortion coercion.

Live Action’s “Aiding Abusers” series draws on news reports, eyewitness testimony, and undercover video to expose Planned Parenthood employees’ willingness to offer abortions to girls as young as 12 without reporting signs of statutory or forcible rape to law enforcement. This enables the men who brought the girls in for appointments to bring them home and continue abusing them.

Indeed, in 2023, the pro-life Charlotte Lozier Institute released a study that interviewed 1,000 American women and found that 61 percent of women who undergo abortions do so due to pressure from “male partners, family members, other persons, financial concerns, and other circumstances.”

Izatt and Brownlee further contended that in the event an underage girl “interpret(s) her pregnancy as a baby and feel(s) love for it and a desire to be a mother,” or her family objects, she might “require sedation or physical restraint” to carry out the abortion.

“Providing abortion care to such a girl is an admittedly grim prospect, especially since she might resist the treatment,” the authors wrote.

“Providing care might then require sedation or physical restraint, which could be traumatizing, especially since this is a girl who most likely has already had her bodily integrity violated by someone. Compelling abortion care for an unwilling girl thus might seem to compound the harm she has already endured,” they added.

Izatt and Brownlee continued:

Here, it is worth considering that, while it may be distressing for parents, medical caregivers, and the patient herself, the use of restraint (chemical or physical) on children to provide lifesaving or life-altering treatment is used in other areas of medicine, including in procedures such as surgeries and cancer treatment, and is justified as a last resort when it is necessary to provide adequate care.

While the scholars contend that forcing a likely already traumatized girl to undergo an abortion would be a “lifesaving treatment” like treating cancer, it would be life-ending for her unborn child. They also omitted any mention of the devastating effects that having an abortion has on women. Indeed, even pro-abortion women have described the intense emotional pain of having killed their child.

In an X post, prominent Catholic apologist Trent Horn called the journal’s language on requiring sedation and physical restraint “Orwellian.”

Dude. This is some crazy Orwellian language. It says, "Providing care might then require sedation or physical restraint, which could be traumatizing".
Do you agree with them doctors are *obligated* to hold down a fourteen-year-old girl and insert things into her vagina even as…

— Trent Horn (@Trent_Horn) March 25, 2026

lifesitenews

Employees of Argedis, a network of petrol garages owned by French energy giant TotalEnergies, are threatening a walkout, saying the product they help distribute has made their living costs too expensive for them to afford.

“We work for TotalEnergies, but we no longer even have the means to fill-up our automobiles to come to work. It’s the ultimate irony,” said an Argedis employee and union member of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT).

In a matter of weeks, the cost of a routine diesel fill-up has shot up from €1.675 per litre in late February to €2.25 per litre today.

While TotalEnergies offers a capped price of €2.09 per litre at its stations, the CGT union notes not all employees live near a company pump, leaving them exposed to soaring open-market rates.

Wages are not increasing to reflect the additional cost of getting to work due to rising  fuel prices in the country, said the CGT spokesperson.

Nearly 80 per cent of Argedis employees earn a modest net salary of around €1,600 a month. By comparison, monthly fuel budgets are now hitting €400.

Commuting to work is therefore eating up a quarter of their take-home pay.

The union official warns some employees are opting to go on sick leave because staying home is financially safer than driving to work.

The CGT calls for urgent intervention, and is pushing for measures which include targeted fuel subsidies, exceptional bonuses, and reassessing employer contributions to workers’ commuting costs.

“If management fails to respond and prices continue to soar, we will all need to take action,” says the CGT.

Governments across the EU are scrambling to respond to the rise of fuel prices within the continent.

Many EU governments have implemented caps, tax cut or aid packages to fuel prices that have surged across Europe and Asia in recent weeks. France has so far announced measures to bail out the affected sectors, while meanwhile Hungary implemented a fuel-price cap.

brusselssignal

A 13-year-old boy is in critical condition after being stabbed multiple times during an altercation at a Hamburg school in Germany, with at least one Syrian suspect now under arrest.

German police say he was attacked by at least one other teenager. He was rushed to the hospital accompanied by an emergency doctor, and had to be resuscitated en route. According to NDR, at least one of the stab wounds struck him in the stomach.

Two 15-year-olds were arrested following a large-scale manhunt involving around two dozen patrol cars, a police helicopter, a service dog, and a specialist unit for high-risk situations.

One of the suspects holds Syrian nationality; the citizenship of the second remains unclear. The homicide squad has taken over the investigation.

According to the ntv outlet, “a dispute had previously broken out between several participants, the background of which is still unclear,” during which the stabbing occurred. NDR reports that “one of those involved suddenly pulled out a knife and stabbed the 13-year-old at least twice.”

As Remix News has reported in the past, 40 percent of all violence in German schools is perpetrated by foreigners in 2024, with Syrians at the top of the charts.

In total, there were 4,254 foreign suspects and 7,309 suspects with German citizenship, the German government announced in response to a parliamentary inquiry from Alternative for Germany (AfD) MP Martin Hess.

Of the 11,558 suspects in total, 1,236 had Syrian passports, representing one in ten violent incidents, according to the data, making Syrians a major factor in violence in German schools.

Last week, the debate over violence in German society and schools reached a boiling point in the Bundestag, pitting Chancellor Friedrich Merz and his supporters against critics who accuse him of racism.

The controversy intensified following a session where Merz addressed the issue of digital and analog violence, particularly against women.

“We have exploding violence in our society, both in the analog and digital space, and we must do something about it together,” said Merz. However, he said that one must then also talk about where this violence comes from, he said to applause from members of the CDU/CSU and the AfD.

“And then we must also address the fact that a considerable proportion of this violence comes to the Federal Republic of Germany from immigrant groups,” he added.

According to a study released last year, youth violence has not only doubled overall, but violent crimes committed by seventh graders of foreign origin soared nearly 400 percent in just a little over a decade.

The study, from the State Criminal Police Office of North Rhine-Westphalia and the University of Cologne, shows that in North Rhine-Westphalia, violent incidents among those under 14 have doubled since 2013, according to Bild.

Meanwhile, back in 2013, there were 408 violent crimes by 7th graders who were born in a foreign country, a figure that rose 383 percent to 1,972. Yet, the number of foreigners during that same period only rose 135 percent, from 40,000 to 94,000.

rmx

The recently elected Socialist Party Mayor of Paris, Emmanuel Grégoire, is already besieged by scandal as hundreds of families have urged his office to inflict punishment against those involved in the mass sexual abuse of children in public after-school programmes.

Grégoire, who served as deputy under previous Socialist Paris Mayor Anne Hidalgo, managed to win the race against centre-right Républicains candidate Rachida Dati this month, despite having served in the administration which oversaw one of the biggest scandals to emerge in modern French history.

In December, it was reported that at least 52 leaders of city after-school programmes in Paris had been suspended over allegations of sexually abusing children over the previous three years.

It came after three leaders of the Bullourde school were suspended in October on suspicion of “acts of sexual assault” against children. This allegedly included assaults against a three-year-old girl, who mimed the sexual acts apparently done to her to investigators, who determined that such acts would have been outside the realm of such a young child’s imagination. This followed similar reports from a separate school in April earlier that year.

The breadth of the scandal appears to be widening, with three more men being arrested this month for allegedly sexually abusing children between the ages of three and nine years old in three schools in Paris.

On Sunday, the parents of 777 students in the 7th and 15th arrondissements of Paris delivered a letter to Mayor Grégoire, demanding an independent audit of the sexual assaults against children in after-school programmes in the capital. They also demanded that the new mayor impose sanctions on certain officials in the city government over failures to safeguard children, Franceinfo reported.

The parents said that there must be a “clear commitment” made from the new administration to establish and punish those responsible “at each level of the decision-making chain” in Town Hall.

They further demanded that the mayor ensure that those accused of sexual violence against children in Parisian schools are not merely transferred to other schools, as has been alleged in some cases, but rather face criminal punishment.

For his part, Mayor Grégoire said on Monday that combating the sexual abuse of children will be the “absolute priority” of his incoming administration. He also claimed that none of the school staff was transferred after facing accusations, and that they have all been suspended amid investigations.

The Socialist mayor said that he was also interested in hiring an independent firm to carry out an audit of the accusations and to help “monitor the correct application of procedures over time”.

“We have to start everything from the beginning. We need to turn the tables. We must identify those who are guilty. We must protect our children,” he said, while vowing “zero tolerance” and a review of “all recruitment procedures”.

However, there remains deep scepticism of the mayor, particularly given that he served as second in command in the administration which failed to protect the children in the first place.

One of the parents who helped organise the letter on Sunday said: “When he won the election, he didn’t have a word for the children. I don’t believe for a single second that he handles the subject properly.”

breitbart

The area around Rue de la Clinique in Cureghem was already the focus of concerns at the last Anderlecht municipal council meeting. Residents criticised the deterioration of the neighbourhood around the Belrefugees refugee centre, which has been in operation since May 2024, citing aggressive behaviour, shouting, threats, public defecation and a sense of insecurity, which they claim has become a daily occurrence.
The day after this council meeting, a new incident reignited tensions. At around 5 pm, during the Stations of the Cross, a person described as being clearly under the influence of drugs entered the Church of Notre-Dame Immaculée. According to a local resident, the person violently disrupted the prayers, knocked a cross off the altar, shouted insults and physically assaulted a parishioner.

In light of this situation, Mayor Fabrice Cumps’s office has confirmed that the Holy Week celebrations are being monitored by the police. The council has also reported a series of police operations carried out over the weekend, including five court-ordered arrests, one administrative detention, and the seizure of cash, large quantities of drugs and a bladed weapon. The police state that they wish to reduce the “negative appeal of the neighbourhood”, which is linked to the presence of dealers and a clientele in a situation characterised by poly-drug use, migration and homelessness.

Regarding the Belrefugees asylum centre, the municipality takes the view that the centre should not be held responsible for all the neighbourhood’s difficulties, whilst at the same time prescribing a tightening of security measures and a reduction in accommodation capacity from 250 to 180 places. The association condemns a structural contradiction: According to the association, limiting accommodation would mean sending more people back onto the streets, with the risk that the same disturbances will occur time and again. The municipality, for its part, emphasises that Anderlecht already bears a disproportionate burden with around 1,200 childcare places spread across seven buildings, in a district considered unsuitable for such a concentration.

Dhnet

A man convicted of sexually assaulting a 4-year-old has lodged a legal complaint against the New Jersey Department of Corrections (NJDOC) seeking a transfer from a sex offender treatment unit to the state’s only women’s prison, Edna Mahan Correctional Facility for Women (EMCF). While court records protected the pedophile’s identity, Reduxx can reveal him as Robert Gladulich – though he is listed in DOC records as Samantha Abigail Gladulich.

In 2011, Gladulich pled guilty and was sentenced to a maximum term of 10 years for the aggravated sexual assault of a child which he committed on Christmas Eve of 2010. While limited case details are available, it is known the young victim was the daughter of one of Gladulich’s friends. He was indicted on charges of sexual assault, aggravated sexual assault and child endangerment. In addition to a 10-year prison term and sex offender registration requirement, Gladulich was sentenced to parole supervision for life.

After serving his sentence at the Adult Diagnostic and Treatment Center (ADTC), the court civilly committed Gladulich to the Special Treatment Unit (STU) for supervised parole. The STU houses sexually violent predators (SVP) who have completed their prison sentence but require strict, long-term monitoring. New Jersey defines an SVP as someone who “suffers from a mental abnormality or personality disorder that makes the person likely to engage in acts of sexual violence if not confined in a secure facility for control, care and treatment.”

In July 2023, Gladulich began seeking a transfer from the STU to New Jersey’s only prison for women, Edna Mahan Correctional Facility. In November of that year, Gladulich submitted a Gender Identity Information Form to the DOC to officially have his biological sex listed as “female” within its record system.

Following this, he then filed a grievance alleging he was being subjected to “discriminatory treatment and harassment from other residents,” including one instance of physical assault, and denial of “gender affirming care.” He requested that the DOC “identify a female-only residence” where he might be transferred and that prison authorities allow him to “submit a formal request for transfer to this female-only site.”

In January 2024, the DOC denied his transfer request, reasoning that it “does not have a separate facility or housing unit for transgender residents,” and that placement “outside the STU… poses management and security issues with regard to… the safety of the public.”

Prison officials noted that DOC policy regarding the housing of inmates who claim a gender identity applies only to incarcerated individuals, and not to residents of the STU.

Lawyers for the convicted pedophile launched an appeal, alleging discrimination and that “gender-based indignities” had occurred as a result of their client being housed at the STU.

However, on March 4, the court of appeals sided with the DOC’s decision denying Gladulich’s transfer to a women’s prison.

“The DOC is bound by law to house sexually violent predators separately from inmates serving criminal sentences and designates the STU as the sole treatment facility for all adjudicated SVPs [sexually violent predators],” read the recent decision. “This classification is not arbitrary, capricious, or unreasonable. It serves the statutory purpose—protection of society and provision of treatment.”

Judge Mark K. Chase, speaking for a three-judge panel, noted that an investigation had failed to uncover evidence of discrimination or sexual assault against Gladulich. The decision further noted that Gladulich had been placed in his own room, with access to a single occupancy shower, with the ability
to purchase personal items. Judge Chase also pointed out that the DOC had been “actively affirm[ing]” the child sexual abuser’s “transition.”

“The DOC staff actively affirms S.G.’s gender identity, she participates in twice weekly process groups where her gender identity is clinically addressed, she has a supportive group of transgender peers, and DOC staff escort her to medical transition appointments and ensure that she has proper treatment for her transition.”

While Gladulich continues his fight for transfer to a women’s prison, the New Jersey Department of Corrections (NJDOC) has long held a lenient policy when it comes to housing inmates based on their self-declared “gender identity.” The policy followed a settlement agreement in a 2019 ACLU-backed lawsuit.

While the lawsuit was initially filed on behalf of an anonymous trans-identified male inmate, in 2023, Reduxx revealed for the first time that the ACLU had been representing a convicted terrorist and diaper fetishist. Since the 2019 landmark ruling, the NJDOC has permitted the transfer extremely violent and sexually depraved male convicts who declare themselves as “transgender.”

However, in October of 2022, the NJDOC was forced to revise its gender identity housing policy after a convicted killer impregnated two women at Edna Mahan Correctional Facility for women (EMCF). Demetrius “Demi” Minor, who was serving a 30-year sentence for the murder of his foster father, was transferred to the women’s prison on the basis of his self-declared gender identity.

NJ Advance Media reported that the DOC’s external affairs executive director had confirmed that two women at EMCF had become pregnant after having “consensual sexual relationships with another incarcerated person,” later revealed to be Minor.

EXCLUSIVE:

The trans-identified male convict who impregnated two women at the Edna Mahan Correctional Facility for Women had been trying to have sex with the female inmates from the moment he was transferred in, according to sources at the prison.

🧵1/2https://t.co/Qm9oDROhV2

— REDUXX (@reduxx) July 22, 2022

When news of the two pregnancies at Edna Mahan made international headlines, prison officials transferred to the vulnerable housing unit at the Garden State Youth Correctional Facility, a prison for young adults ages 18 to 30. While at Garden State, Minor instructed another incarcerated killer on how to secure a transfer to the women’s facility.

Jamie Belladonna, who is serving a 40-year sentence for beating a woman to death, worked with Minor to secure his transfer to the EMCF. In February 2023, Minor said that he had provided information to Rivera “about the transition process.”

“Another trans woman housed at Garden State Youth Correctional Facility has attempted to castrate herself. This marks the third woman including Demi to attempt to mutilate her genitals in the past year!,” the Justice 4 Demi account, created by Minor, posted to X.

“This woman knew very little about transitioning beyond that she needed hormones and wanted surgery. Demi showed this woman the information we had provided her about the transition process (DOC has basically never provided her any medical information about transition),” the post continued.

reduxx

The ruling Civic Coalition, led by Prime Minister Donald Tusk, is attempting to extricate itself from scandals involving its officers who have been found guilty of paedophilia and zoophilia.

The most publicised of the scandals affecting the current ruling party has come in Kłodzko, south-western Poland, where a woman, who cannot be named under Polish privacy laws, was convicted of assisting her husband, who is serving a 25-year jail sentence for acts of paedophilia and zoophilia.

The woman was a Tusk party official who had acted as the local election agent even when she had already been charged with the offences in question. She has been sentenced to six and a half years’ imprisonment.  

Poland’s most popular YouTube channel Kanał Zero last week broadcast lengthy material about the case uncovered by local journalist Marcin Torz  that many found upsetting as it included testimony of the daughter of the accused who had been a victim of their actions and details of how a domestic animal, a dog, was also a victim of the offences. 

The Prime Minister of the last PiS government Mateusz Morawiecki  has commented on the case: “It is impossible to remain indifferent to the continuous flow of information regarding the paedophilia scandal in Kłodzko. What was happening there is absolutely shocking and the leaders of the Civic Coalition consistently pretend that this is not their issue”, said Morawiecki in a social media post

PiS MEP Tobiasz Bocheński also spoke out, addressing the fact that the issue has become salient with the public because of independent internet rather than mainstream media. 

“The Polish public would not have learned about the paedophilia and zoophilia scandal without internet freedom. The silence of a vast number of media outlets on this matter is terrifying. This is the loudest media silence in the history of Poland.”

Bocheński was alluding to the fact that most of Poland’s liberal media sympathetic to the Tusk government has played down the scandals taking the view that the ruling party is not in any way responsible for a few bad apples among its ranks. However, the same media have in the past publicised cases of local opposition Conservatives (PiS) officials being involved in domestic violence and have reported extensively on paedophilia scandals in the Catholic Church. 

But the issue has gone viral on social media. According to the Polish internet watchdog Res Futura in just seven days the issue of paedophilia and zoophilia in Kłodzko generated 139 million in outreach on social media which meant that an average user in the Poland saw the topic in their feeds between four to six times. 

In another case affecting Tusk’s party in Złotów, western Poland, which is also conspicuous by its absence from mainstream media, an appeals court overturned a 11 year prison sentence handed down to a local Tusk party official relating to child abuse of 14 girls. 

The official had been convicted for 21 offences linked to sexual offenses against minors and the recording of nude images of children without parental knowledge or consent. Between 2021 and 2023 he had allegedly been meeting girls and telling them to undress, touching them, and photographing them while claiming the images were part of medical documentation.

Portal wPolityce alleges that complaints involving the man date back as far as 2011, with further allegations emerging around 2015 and 2016 involving underage trainees. Although the matter was reportedly brought to police and prosecutors, the case was allegedly dropped at an early stage.

The portal warned that it will soon be reporting on several other cases involving Tusk party activists which involve allegations of child abuse. 

That history has fuelled accusations that the party activist benefited from political protection while continuing to hold influence locally. According to critics, he remained in charge of the party’s Złotów structures from 2014 onward, helped organise campaigns, shaped election lists, and regularly appeared alongside local officials and senior party figures.

He was only suspended and later expelled from Civic Coalition after his 2023 arrest, a fact now being used by opponents to argue that the party acted only when the scandal became impossible to ignore.

The appeal court’s ruling in January of this year to quash a sentence handed down by a court in 2024 was based purely on the fact that the judge who had handed down the original sentence had been appointed during the time of the last Conservative (PiS) government on recommendation of the National Council of the Judiciary (KRS), the body whose independence has been questioned by European courts. 

However, a recent European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruling has stated that  judges appointed by the KRS cannot be automatically deemed not to be independent and their judgements faulty. 

Polish PM Tusk rejected any wrongdoing by his party and condemned PiS for raising the local scandals. “It is particularly odious to try and make political capital out of the crime of paedophilia.  There has been no cover up of these cases. People have been sentenced and will go to prison”.

He also hit back at PiS alleging that it has tried to protect its own politician suspected of paedophilia, but would not name the individual involved. But it he has himself commented on salacious allegations in the past. 

Last year during the presidential election campaign Tusk used the testimony of a convict to accuse President Karol Nawrocki, then the presidential candidate for PiS, of being involved in pimping in a Gdansk hotel in which Nawrocki had years ago been a security guard. 

Nawrocki denied the allegations and is suing the media outlet which published the allegations which politicians from Tusk’s party have used extensively during the presidential election and thereafter.

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Some of the European Union’s more conservative member states have again come under scrutiny from the leftist NGO Civil Liberties Union for Europe, which has described a handful of countries as “dismantlers” that are actively weakening the rule of law.

The organisation predictably receives funding from the European Commission, through the Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values programme—a programme described by critics as ideologically driven.

‘Liberties’ also gets cash from the Open Society Foundations, established by George Soros and now run by his son, Alex. The controversial foundation has also handed “hundreds of thousands of dollars” to various groups seeking to claim reparations from Britain for slavery and colonialism.

In its latest (seventh) annual rule of law report, Liberties says “concerted dismantling and cumulative decline sum up the state of the rule of law across large parts of the EU and increasingly within the European Institutions themselves.”

Mainstream media coverage has largely focused on Hungary’s designation as a “dismantler”—just weeks before a key national election that establishment figures are terrified Prime Minister Viktor Orbán could win.

But Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovakia, and, perhaps most notably, Italy also made it onto the list. The report says they “represent the most serious concern, as these countries are actively eroding rule of law institutions.”

Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, and Sweden have all been identified as “sliders,” where rule of law conditions are supposedly worsening.

Liberties’ last (2025) report was similar to its latest, in that it also praised left-liberal governments for their alleged efforts to defend the rule of law. Next year’s will no doubt paint the same old picture once again.

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